Chapter 3:
Post-war reconciliation through joint textbook revision: The cases of Franco-German and Polish-German history books87
Leopold von Carlowitz
Abstract:
The article outlines the post-war efforts by France and Germany as well as Poland and Germany to harmonize the teaching of their national histories and to create a common vocabulary consistent with contemporary European ideals and ideas. Besides outlining the work of the bi-national textbook commissions, the article analyses the contents and methodology of the joint Franco-German history book, referred to as a revolution in education policy, and describes similar Polish-German efforts undertaken at present. Franco-German and Polish-German history education offers interesting insights how the primary purpose of national historiography can gradually shift from citizenship creation and nation-building to postwar reconciliation and a "Europeanization" of history teaching. While the author's general conclusions are positive, the Polish-German case also demonstrates that reconciliation is a long, painful and often non-linear process. The negative reactions from Polish conservative critics to the Silesian-Saxonian precedent for a joint Polish-German textbook indicate that reconciliation processes are multi-level socio-political processes in which national sensitivities and traumas can play out very differently in different social strata within one society. A comparison between the Franco-German and Polish-German case also shows that reconciliation processes are indeed fostered by mutual dialogue and reflection on the past carried out with a joint vision for a common future in the European communities and Union.
Europe in 1945 was left in a state of physical and moral devastation following two world wars accompanied by unprecedented destruction, mass killing and human rights vio-
87 This article is based on and expands an earlier paper entitled 'Finding Common Grounds in Franco-German and Polish-German History Education' presented at the conference on 'Pacification through Education : Challenges and Opportunities' in Jerusalem on 7-9 January 2008, organized by the UNESCO Special Envoy for the Right to Education and the European Association for the Education Law and Policy.
lations. Nationalistic attitudes, racist and extremist thinking had laid the grounds for war, occupation, genocide and mass expulsion. This article describes the post-war efforts in the Franco-German and Polish-German relations to overcome their cleavages and to create good neighbourly relations by means of textbook revision and the development of joint history books.
Already the League of Nations had realized that history writing and teaching played a crucial role in developing and hardening national stereotypes and enemy concepts that erupted in the First World War.88 Especially in the 19th and 20th centuries, history textbooks were used by young nation states to create and legitimise their particular national narratives and to foster social cohesion and national unity.89 European states used history books to bolster a national identity and citizenship based on national myths and heroes mostly in clear distinction to the neighbouring enemy state. Its citizens were considered to be the 'other' and their perspectives and experiences did not need to be reflected upon. In worse cases, history education propagated dominant cultures, represented certain groups of the population as superior or inferior and formulated historical narratives at the cost of others. By creating prejudice and hatred and by promoting authoritarian and militaristic attitudes, a nations education system often belongs to the root causes of many violent conflicts.90
Yet, education has a Janus face. In as much as it can be used to foster discrimination and war, it can also serve the interests of peace and reconciliation. Reconciliation is understood as a multifaceted and intergenerational process in which former enemies are to find ways to coexist and to live alongside each other in peaceful co-existence. 91 Breaking cycles of violence and strengthening newly established or reintroduced democratic institutions are seen as important components to a reconciliation policy.92 Revising history textbooks can contribute to this process by recognizing and acknowledging the facts and origins of past violence, by removing prejudices and biased historical references, and by developing inclusive and pluralistic narratives. In particular when combined with elements of peace education, history education can attempt to change the pupils' perception of the other's collective narrative that should be accepted
88 Pingel, F. (1999), UNESCO Guidebook on Textbook Research and Textbook Revision, UNESCO, Paris, pp. 6-7.
89 Soysal, Y.N. and Schissler (2005), H., 'Teaching Beyond the National Narrative', in: Schissler H. and Soyal Y.N. (eds), The Nation, Europe and the World. Textbooks and Curricula in Transition, Berghahn, New York / Oxford, pp. 1-2.
90 For a comprehensive analysis, see: Davies, L. (2004), Education and Conflict: Complexity and Chaos, Abingdon / New York; see also: Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (2004), Bildung und Konflikt. Die Rolle von Bildung bei der Entstehung, Prävention und Bewältigung gesellschaftlicher Krisen - Konsequenzen für die Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, Eschborn, pp. 50-55.
91 Compare: Bloomfield, D., Barnes, T. and Huyse, L. (eds) (2003), Reconciliation After Violent Conflict: A Handbook, International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, Stockholm, p. 12. For Bloomfield, reconciliation means 'at its simplest.. .finding a way to live alongside former enemies - not necessary to love them, or forgive them, or forget the past in any way, but to coexist with them, to develop the degree of cooperation necessary, so that we all have better lives together than we had separately.'
92 Ibid., p. 19.
as legitimate and be appreciated as human.93 Working towards this goal also includes changing the teaching methodology. This may include enhancing critical thinking skills, by promoting a willingness to question simplistic models, by fostering empathy towards the other, and by strengthening the ability to disagree about interpretations of the past and their implications for the present without resorting to violence.94
The cases of the Franco-German and Polish-German history education offer interesting insights how former enemies can gradually reduce their antagonisms and engage in post-war reconciliation. Realizing the need for change, various conferences were held by bi-national textbook commissions aiming to harmonize the teaching of the relations between the two countries respectively, to eliminate factual inaccuracies and insensitivities in existing textbooks, and to create a common vocabulary for the teaching of national histories consistent with contemporary European ideals and ideas. For the time being, the process culminated in the joint development of two Franco-German history textbooks in 2006 and in 2008 - an effort currently tried to be replicated in the Polish-German relationship.
Franco-German and Polish-German textbook revision and development also demonstrates how the primary purpose of national historiography can gradually shift from citizenship creation and nation-building to more pluralistic approaches. These efforts reflect that the concept of the nation state, and with it its modes of telling the national narratives in school, changed in the second half of the 20th century.95 Globalisation and an increasingly interdependent world force states to teach their pupils also about developments outside the national context. Moreover, the increased emphasis on human rights and individual actorhood independent of states, as well as the growing importance of social movements and identities add a whole new dimension to traditional, state-centred history teaching. These factors redefine national prerogatives and change existing conceptions of international relations and history that need to be incorporated into national curricula.96
In particular in Western Europe, this process of moving beyond the national narrative is supported by the development of the European Union into a supranational political entity with its own European citizenship and identity requiring that its member states overcome their painful tensions and conflicts of the past. In contrast, many Eastern European countries have developed narrow nationalistic views on their own history since the Iron Curtain was lifted in 1989. While this development appears to be a relapse into 19th century education policies, Eastern European nationalism might be understood as a protest against a long-endured socialist internationalism (that sup
93 Compare: Salomon, G. (2009), 'Peace Education : Its Nature, Nuture and Challenges It Faces', in: De Rivera, J. (ed), Handbook on Building Cultures of Peace, Springer, New York, P- 5-
94 Cole, E. (2007), 'Introduction: Reconciliation and History Education, in: Cole, E. (eds), Teaching the Violent Past: History Education and Reconciliation, Rowman & Littlefield, Lanham / Plymouth, p. 21.
95 Soysal and Schissler (2005), see note 3 above, p. 2.
96 Compare: ibid., p. 4.
pressed national self-determination) and as a reaction to a confusing present.97 It is also interpreted as an undertaking of powerful post-socialist elites who abuse present-day frustrations for political purposes.98 Time will show how long it will take that also Eastern European countries, in particular those who will not join the European Union, accord to the general trend in history teaching towards pluralistic narratives and world history in an interdependent globalized world.
In the following text, I will briefly describe some of the Franco-German, then some of the Polish-German efforts and difficulties to alter their existing textbook narratives to foster mutual respect and understanding despite the nations' turbulent and divisive pasts. The Franco-German section will comprise an analysis of the structure and contents of the mentioned joint history books. The Polish-German section will include a description of the state of affairs of a recent initiative to draft a joint Polish-German textbook and discuss the reactions to a joint Silesian and Saxonian textbook on the period between 1933 and 1945.
1. Franco-German History Teaching (a) Bi-national textbook revision
Post-war Franco-German textbook revision already started in 1951 with two conferences of renowned French and German historians who developed 40 theses on controversial issues in European history from the French revolution to 1932.99 Subsequent meetings took place on a regular basis and were sponsored from 1981 by the Georg Eckert Institute for International Textbook Research in Brunswick, Germany. Since that time, consultations did not anymore focus on identifying areas of conflict between French and German national histories but on omissions and gaps in respective history textbooks and on developing an overall framework for interpreting national history. The recommendations of these meetings led to substantial revisions and harmonization in school curricula and textbooks in both countries. This process resulted in the elimination of several historical inaccuracies relating to contentious issues such as the role of Bismarck or the origins of the world wars. It also led to the inclusion of various references to historical events or aspects that either German or French commission members found to be missing in the textbook representations of the respective countries. This comprised for example mention of German resistance movements or the collaboration of the Vichy-regime with the Nazis.100
97 Schissler, H. (2005), 'World History: Making Sense of the Present', in: Schissler and Soysal (eds), see note 3 above, pp. 231-232
98 Schorkowitz, D. (2008), Postkommunismus und verordneter Nationalismus. Gedächtnis, Gewalt und Geschichtspolitik im nördlichen Schwarzmeergebiet, Peter Lang, Frankfurt a.M., pp 42-46.
99 Koza, I. (1978-79), 'Zur Darstellung des deutsch-französischen Verhältnisses in Schulgeschichtsbüchern, Siegener Pädagogische Studien, 25, p. 15.
100 Socolow, S. (1993), 'World War I and World War II in Contemporary French and German High School History Textbooks', Senior Thesis in International Studies, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, New York, pp. 45-47.
Stepping beyond the national narrative, history teaching in both countries now also concentrates to a significant extent on European ideals and civic traditions such as democratic principles, social justice and human rights. Forced to depart from traditional approaches of national identity by its own past, post-war Germany applies a rather cautious approach to the representation of its own nation. German identity is relativized by and placed within the European context and a globalized world 101 France on the other hand continues to be more forthcoming in presenting its nation. However, in particular since the 1985 curricular programme with which France introduced the notion of 'Europe-building' to its education system, 'French values' such as citizenship and laicism are also defined and elaborated as European and universal principles. France on the other hand continues to be more forthcoming in presenting its nation. However, in particular since the 1985 curricular programme with which France introduced the notion of 'Europe-building' to its education system, 'French values' such as citizenship and laicism are also defined and elaborated as European and universal principles.102
There is also a clear tendency to focus increasingly on contemporary international affairs at the cost of describing national myths surrounding the establishment of the nations. In as far as heroic national characters are portrayed, such as Bismarck or Jeanne d'Arc, textbooks also point at the ambivalences of the characters and generally aim at a neutral representation in contrast to a past display of nationalistic passion.103
(b) 'Europeanizing' history teaching
The joint Franco-German textbook Histoire-Geschichte published in French and German in 2006 might be understood as the culmination of this process of 'European-ization of history teaching.104 The book was written at the initiative of a bi-national students' parliament established by the Franco-German Youth Exchange Programme at its 40th anniversary and was referred to as a revolution in education policy.105 In three years, five bi-national teams of two historians each finalized a book that primarily covers European history from 1945 to the present. 80 % of all contents are identical in the French and German version. There are only some slight differences with respect to the presentation of the role of the United States, the history of the German Democratic Republic as well as in respect of French colonial history.106 Besides working out acceptable narratives to both nations, there are great challenges in fitting both countries' curricula and in overcoming significant differences in didactic approaches. One such difference concerns the fact that French history teaching is generally more
101 Soysal, Y.N., Bertilotti, T. and Mannitz, S., (2005), 'Projections of Identity in French and German History and Civics Textbooks', in: Schissler and Soyal (eds), see note 3 above, p. 13.
102 Ibid., p. 18.
103 Ibid., p. 20-21.
104 Le Quintrec, G. and Geiss, P. (eds.) (2006), Histoire-Geschichte. Europa und die Welt seit 1945, Nathan / Klett, Stuttgart, Leipzig and Paris.
105 Hinz, O. (2008), 'Gefahr für die nationalen Identitäten oder Chance für eine bessere Verständigung?', Dialog, 83, p. 59.
106 Gruber, B. (2006), 'Ein Geschichtsbuch macht Geschichte', Panorama, Deutsche Welle, 10.07.2006.
chronological, facts-oriented and strict, whereas post-war Germany prefers a more open, discursive and more topical approach.
The result is a book that combines the two approaches. On the one hand, it tells the French and the German history as well as the history of the East-West conflict mostly in a chronological way. On the other hand, the book places these narratives within a global and a European context - starting with the results of and the memories on the Second World War and the Holocaust, and enriching them with various chapters and 'dossiers' on specific issues such as the fall of the colonial empires, demographical changes in the world, or the institutional history of the European Union. In addition to the actual text, there are also many excerpts of primary sources such as important speeches of statesmen, images, as well as sections with relevant glossary, follow-up questions and thinking.
In spring 2008, the book's second volume was released covering the more critical period in Franco-German relations from the Congress of Vienna to the Second World War.107 Similar to the first volume, the book describes and compares French and German history embedded in a European and international context. It also adds many dossiers on topics of special relevance and reproduces a variety of primary sources, graphics and glossaries.
However, corresponding to the history of the 19th and early 20th century, the book concentrates in comparison more on the individual nations and their developments and conflicts. In the absence of reconciling and unifying institutional structures such as the European Union and the United Nations, the book gives significant room to descriptions of economic, social and cultural developments prevalent in Europe at the time. In particular, the chapter on new forms of cultural expression and engagement is worth mentioning. The chapter includes art historical sections on the development from romanticism to impressionism and on the origins of modern art and modernity. Special sections portray the Belle Epoque as 'the golden age of European culture' and introduce avantgarde artists and art movements in France and Germany in the 1920s and 1930s such as Picasso and the Bauhaus. Another chapter provides information on the emergence of different forms of mass culture such as mass media, tourism and sports. These chapters underline parallel and reinforcing socio-cultural developments in France, Germany and other European countries. Thereby they counterbalance the antagonistic nationalist histories and emphasize the foundations of a common European cultural identity.
The bi-national drafting teams took much care to represent contentious issues in a way acceptable to both sides. Difficulties occurred with respect to differing importance attached to certain topics in France or Germany respectively. Whereas French historians are much concerned with the history of colonialism and regard the First World War as
107 Henri, D., Le Quintrec, G. and Geiss, P. (eds) (2008), Histoire / Geschichte. Europa und die Welt vom Wiener Kongress bis 1945, Nathan / Klett, Stuttgart, Leipzig and Paris.
the 'Grande Guerre', German interests in comparison relate more to the Second World War and to the analysis of and experiences with totalitarian systems.108
Of particular difficulty was the representation of the Vichy-regime. For a long time in French history teaching, its collaboration with the Nazis was de-emphasized because it did not match the prevailing French national narrative and identity. The dominant French self-understanding is based on republican traditions including the progressive liberal values of the French revolution, that are seen to have been taken up by the French resistance movement against the German occupiers.109 As a consequence, the French Vichy-state was distinguished from 'true France' that primarily consisted of resistance fighters. Their numbers were initially small, according to this perspective, but grew when many Frenchmen who had at first tolerated the Petain-Government out of fear or pacifism, joined their ranks when Nazi anti-Semitism became too obvious.110 In contrast to such thinking, the new textbook takes a clear stance in calling the Vichy-regime a 'reactionary dictatorship' headed by an old military leader who enjoyed much popular support because many Frenchmen wrongly believed that he was playing a double game with the occupants.111 The book also states that the resistance movement was only the engagement of a minority. Complementary to the dossiers on the Nazi persecution and extermination of the Jews that include a map of the Auschwitz concentration camp, the chapter on France during the Second World War contains a dossier on anti-Semitic persecution and collaboration. It reprints an excerpt from the statute on Jews (Judenstatut) and describes how the French Government assisted Nazi Germany in the deportations.
(c) Changing perspectives
Other contentious issues in Franco-German relations such as the 1919 Versailles Peace Treaty and the German annexation of Alsace-Lorraine in 1871 were explained with in balanced terms and with empathy towards the sensitivities of the other nation. For example, the section on the Versailles Treaty reprints the Treaty's 'paragraph of disgrace' that stipulated sole German responsibility for the war serving to justify harsh territorial losses and high reparations claims. The book explains that the Treaty was not acceptable to large parts of the German public and contributed to undermining the Weimar Republic's legitimacy.112 When describing the problem of Alsace-Lorraine, the book portrays French and German perspectives expressed in primary sources reproduced next to each other. Passages out of history books at the time are cited: While
108 Compare: Schmoll, H. (2008), 'Historische Verständigung. Der zweite Band des deutschfranzösischen Geschichtsbuchs ist mehr als ein Schulbuch', Faz-net, 8 April 2008; Graw, A. (2008), 'Neues Schulbuch für Deutsche und Franzosen', Welt-online, 9 April 2008. For a comparision between the different perceptions concerning war contained in French and German texbooks before and after the First World War, see: Bendick, R. (2001), Praxis Geschichte, 4, pp. 35-37.
109 Heinecke, S. (2004), 'Das nationale Selbstverständnis Frankreichs und die Darstellung des Themas 'Nation und Zweiter Weltkrieg' in französischen Geschichtslehrbüchern, in: Maier, R (ed), Zwischen Zählebigkeit und Zerrinnen. Nationalgeschichte im Schulunterricht in Ostmitteleuropa, Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hannover, p. 219.
110 Ibid., p. 218.
111 Henri, Le Quintrec and Geiss (2008), see note 21 above, p. 344.
112 Ibid, pp. 220-223.
the French book deplored that the annexation caused to France an injury that would not stop bleeding as one had robbed two of our most French provinces', a Bavarian book found that 'Metz and Strasburg are now as formerly our noblest watch-towers at the Western borders'.113
Changing perspectives by contrasting different perspectives and understandings of certain issues is a method the book employs to explain and overcome negative prejudices towards the other nation. In the dossier 'Germans and French in Their Reciprocal Perceptions', a German lexicon of the late 1880s is cited with the statement that 'the French are a sensitive people, but without real depth in mind and sentiment.' Next to it, a French journalist observes German gender relations in 1907 as follows: 'One needs to see in German restaurants - preferably on Sundays - the groups of 12 or 15 persons who know each other; the men talk among each other for hours and do not include the women in the conversation at all, as if they did not exist.. ,'114 The book then poses critical follow-up questions to the pupils on the origins and correctness of these stereotypes. Raising awareness of the other nations perspectives is also undertaken by explaining different thought traditions and cultural movements, for example by clarifying that classic French literature relates to the 'Grand Siècle' during the reign of Louis XIV, whereas the classic period in German literature is associated with the Weimar classic in the late 18th and early 19th century.115
In general, the second edition of Histoire/Geschichte places more emphasis on the subjectivity of historical sources and their interpretation than the first edition. The latter comprises one methodological chapter at the end of the book that mainly explains different sources and provides general advice how to analyse them and how to structure and write essays and projects. The methodological sections of the second edition are integrated into the text throughout the book and stress that there is hardly any objectivity in history writing and interpretation. Sections such as 'How to Interpret a Text Source', 'Analyzing Scientific Interpretations', 'Finding and Analyzing Archival Sources' and 'Interviewing Contemporary Witnesses' push the reader to apply great care in this field.
In line with this approach, the book explains in detail that the age-old animosity between France and Germany ('Erbfeindschaff') was a political-historiographical construct.116 It also provides updated information on contemporary historical arguments relating to the time period in question, for example on the dispute concerning a German antidemocratic and authoritarian 'Sonderweg', concerning Hitler's role in history or whether it is appropriate to compare National Socialism and Communism.
Both volumes were quickly admitted for the history education at the higher levels of the German 'Gymnasium' and the French 'Lycée'. Whereas the admission of the central French education ministry was sufficient, the books needed to be examined and approved by the education ministries of the 16 German 'Länder'. The books have ge
113 Ibid., p. 59.
114 Ibid., p. 73.
115 Ibid., p. 155.
116 Ibid., p. 77.
nerally been welcomed very much by educational circles and the public. Despite the claim to be a European history project, the book is nevertheless essentially Franco-German teaching material that applies a Western (and continental) European focus in its selection of topics. As a consequence, it was criticized that the role of the British Empire and also the history of population transfer and forced migration were insufficiently addressed.117 The latter plays a major role in overcoming national stereotypes and fostering good neighbourly relations with Germany's Eastern neighbour, Poland.
2. Polish-German History Teaching
(a) Bi-national textbook revision
It is not surprising that Polish-German textbook revision went much slower than the Franco-German counterpart. Not just are the historical cleavages deeper and more recent then in Franco-German relations, but also the political circumstances on different sides of the Iron Curtain made respective reconciliation efforts more difficult than within the European Community. Major stumbling blocks are the treatment of Poland's Western border and the, in German usage, expulsions, in Polish usage, population transfer of the Germans from Germany's former Eastern provinces legitimized by the 1945 Potsdam accords.118
Only with Brandt's new 'Ost-Politik' and the conclusion of the 1970 Warsaw-Treaty, it became possible to establish a bi-national textbook commission that met numerous times since 1972. In 1976, the commission released a set of recommendations for textbook authors and teachers for history and geography covering Polish-German relations from the early medieval age to the present.119 Generally, subsequent textbook writing took these recommendations into consideration but real change only occurred following German re-unification and the fall of the socialist regime in Poland.120
(b) Overcoming a painful past
For a long time, the German side has been reproached for not showing sufficient interest in the history of its Eastern neighbour, despite the fact that German and Polish
117 Graw (2008), see note 22 above.
118 For an in-depth analysis of how the issue was perceived and dealt with in research, teaching and politics in Poland and Germany, see: Strobel, T. and Maier, R. (2008) (eds), Das Thema Vertreibung und die deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen in Forschung, Unterricht und Politik, Hahnsche Buchhandlung, Hanover.
119 Gemeinsame deutsch-polnische Schulbuchkommission (1977), 'Empfehlungen für Schulbücher der Geschichte und Geographie in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der Volksrepublik Polen, Schriftenreihe des Georg-Eckert-Instituts für internationale Schulbuchforschung, 22, p. 9.
120 For pre-1989 revisions, see: Jacobmeyer, W. (1989), 'Änderungen in historischen Unterrichtsmaterialien der Bundesrepublik Deutschland seit der Veröffentlichung der deutschpolnischen Schulbuchempfehlungen von 1976', in: Gemeinsame deutsch-polnische Schulbuchkommission (ed), 'Zum pädagogischen Ertrag der deutsch-polnischen Schulbuchkonferenzen der Historiker. 1972-1987', Schriftenreihe des Georg-Eckert-Instituts für internationale Schulbuchforschung, 22/XII, p. 12-23.
history has been interlinked for several centuries.121 This neglect can be explained by (West-) Germany's post-war orientation to the West as well as by the attempt to maintain social cohesion in the newly founded republic by not stirring up the traumatic experiences in connection with national division, the loss of a fourth of its pre-war territory, and the flight and/or expulsion by a fourth of its population. While certainly much work remains to be done to increase in general German knowledge of Polish history and to raise awareness about Polish sensitivities, improvements are visible in particular in higher school education. This concerns the revision of factual inaccuracies, for example relating to the Polish divisions, as well as the inclusion of information on Poland's loss of its Eastern territories.122
A tendency can also be observed that Polish textbooks slowly move from nationalistic history telling to more openness and modern didactic practices.123 WWith respect to the Potsdam accords and the representation of Germany, there are indications that, according to Polish historian and sociologist Landau-Czajka, since 1990 'the separation in good and evil begins to blur.'124
Polish history teaching between the end of the war and the breakdown of communism made explicit statements on the winners and losers of the Second World War. Germany was represented as the sole aggressor in a war that ended with the victory of the Soviet Union (with the support of the Western allies). The Jalta and Potsdam conferences served the clear goal to stop further German aggression, to pacify it and to punish war criminals. Until the 1970s, all Germans were held responsible for Nazi Germany's actions and the territorial loss and population transfer was understood as an expression of historical justice.125
No mention was made that also the Soviet Union had started the war against Poland and that the conferences gave birth to a divided world which was forced upon central Europe by the victorious powers. Poland was represented as a victorious party that joined the socialist world voluntarily and won peace and security through the accords. The territorial swap could not openly be discussed in the textbooks, as this would have brought back painful memories of the involuntary loss of its Eastern territories with its important cultural centres at the Potsdam conference. The formerly German Western provinces were represented as territories 'regained' at the initiative of the allied
121 Compare: Gauger, J.-D. (2008), Deutsche und Polen im Unterricht. Eine Untersuchung aktueller Lehrpläne/Richtlinien und Schulbücher für Geschichte, Wochenschau, Schwalbach; Daerr, B. (1999), "Über die Polen weiß ich genug!' Bericht über ein Unterrichtsprojekt 'Polen und Deutsche im Kurssystem des Zweiten Bildungsweges", in: Weber, N.H. (ed), Die Oder überqueren. Deutsch-polnische Begegnungen in Geschichte, Kultur und Lebensalltag, IKO-Publisher, Frankfurt a.M., pp. 185-186; with various reasons for the German neglect.
122 With a focus on Saxon textbooks, see: K. Ruchniewicz, K. (2005), 'Jalta und Potsdam in sächsischen Schulbüchern, in: Kerski, B. and Owczarek Z. (eds), Ist gemeinsame Erinnerung möglich? Polen und Deutschland 60 Jahre nach der Potsdamer Konferenz, Polnisches Institut in Berlin, Berlin, pp. 97-104.
123 Zernack, K. (1989), 'Zusammenfassung', in: Gemeinsame deutsch-polnische Schulbuchkommission (ed), see note 34 above, p. 201.
124 Landau-Czajka, A. (2005), 'Die Teilung in Gut und Böse beginnt sich zu verwischen, in: Kerski and Owczarek (eds), see note 123 above, p. 81.
125 Ibid., p. 75-76.
powers. Any (if at all) population transfer was ordered by the Allies and was necessary to prevent further German aggression or a resurgence of violence. The Polish narrative suggested that the Poles were innocent and non-aggressive people at all times that could not be reproached for anything.
Slight changes to this historical interpretation occurred following the 1970 Warsaw treaty, in as far as that the collective guilt approach towards Germans was abandoned. Moreover, reference was made to the Potsdam accords as not only affecting Germany and the Polish western border, but also as a comprehensive post-war settlement involving many political and territorial changes throughout Europe and the world.
The situation changed more drastically after the breakdown of the socialist regimes. Germany stopped being the only enemy - focus was also re-directed to Polish suffering in connection with the aggressive behaviour and occupation by the Soviets.126 More than on Potsdam, post-1990 Polish textbooks emphasize the results of the Jalta conference with its decision to split central Europe into different zones of influence and to subject Poland to socialist dictatorship. While Germany continues to be seen as the sole originator of the Second World War, the Soviet Union is also found responsible of the events. But the latter's responsibility was neglected and suppressed because it was a victorious party that provided dictatorial narratives to its socialist satellite states. Meanwhile, the Soviet Union is seen as a party that also began the war but instead of being punished, it won the most.
Relating to the outcome of the Potsdam accords, new Polish textbooks have mostly stopped to use the term 'regained territories' that suggest that Poles returned to lost lands illegitimately settled by Germans over centuries. Instead, clear mention is made of Poland's territorial shift to the West ordered by the 'big three' victorious powers. Polish pupils learn about the population transfer of the Germans in this context.127 Suggestions of historical justice have disappeared and recognition is made that the implementation of the transfer was tragic and inhuman. Polish historiography starts to realize that the civil population in both countries suffered and lost a lot. Jalta and Potsdam are seen as the beginning of the division of Europe and that Poland shared in some way Germany's fate although it was no guilty party.128
While German-Polish relations gradually improved over the years with respect to history education, the countries' political relations became considerably more difficult in the mid-1990s. In particular, Russian-German plans to build a gas pipeline through the Baltic Sea that would circumvent Poland and thereby threaten to cut it off a major Eurasian electricity supply route as well as German plans to establish a Berlin-based Centre against Expulsions revoked deep-seated Polish fears of outside domination by its powerful neighbouring states. The Centre is managed by the German Association of Expellees and intends to commemorate German and other victims of expulsions.129
126 Ibid., pp. 80-81.
127 Gnauck, G. (2010), 'Der Schrecken begann am Bosporus', Die Welt, 08.01.2010, citing the Polish historian Krzysztof Ruchniewicz.
128 Landau-Czajka, see note 125 above, p. 82.
129 See the Centre's webpage at: www.z-g-v.de.
TThe undertaking is criticized in- and outside Germany, in particular in Poland, for a revision of history that would unduly turn former perpetrators into victims. The situation was worsened by the establishment of a Prussian Trust Agency - a private non-state initiative with the aim to recover property claims of German expellees in Poland's formerly German territories.130 While these initiatives only attracted limited attention and support in Germany, they caused much outrage in Poland as is demonstrated by the portrayal of the Association's President Steinbach as a Nazi officer on the cover of a Polish magazine in 2003.131 Fears of German domination helped to bring the right-wing Kaczynski Government into power in late 2005. The Kaczynski brothers - President and Prime Minister - held nationalistic views and used at times anti-German sentiment to stabilize their power.
(c) Towards a joint Polish-German history book
In 2006, the Polish Prime Minister rejected a proposal by the German Minister of Foreign Affairs Steinmeier to improve inter-State relations by following the Franco-German example to develop a joint Polish-German history book. Only after the liberal conservative Tusk became Polish Prime Minister in late 2007, the idea gained ground with the Polish Vice Education Minister Stanowski and the Education Minister of the German State of Brandenburg Rupprecht acting as project coordinators. With educational and cultural competence falling into the competence of the German 'Länder' (and not the federal State), Brandenburg was selected to represent the German side. Brandenburg not only shares a large border with Poland, it is also widely regarded as the core territory and in some way 'heir' of former Prussia whose Eastern provinces were transferred to Poland by the Potsdam accords.
Following the project's official announcement in May 2008, an expert group consisting of respected historians including the co-heads of the Polish-German textbook commission was charged with the project implementation. Besides the commission, other institutions with long standing experiences in Polish-German dialogue, such as the Georg Eckert Institute and the Franco-German 'Lehrwerk', are to be involved in the process. The expert group's work is to be guided and supervised by a Polish-German Steering Committee whose members are representatives of the countries' Foreign Affairs and Education Ministries and other relevant administrations.
Although there is some questioning whether a supplement dealing with Polish-German issues would be more suitable than a fully-fledged textbook, the Georg Eckert Institute was charged to start drafting the first of several volumes.132 Similar to the Franco-German history book, the expert group selected a comparatively undisputed time period in the history of the two nations to begin with, i.e. the time span from the Middle Ages until the 18th century.133 This volume will cover i.a. the Reformation, the Thirty Years War and the divisions of Poland - all issues comparatively neglected but
130 See the Agency's webpage at: www.preussische-treuhand.org
131 Bratkowski, S. (2003), 'Niemiecki kon trojanski', Wprost, 21.09.2003.
132 Cited in: Jasper, M. (2008), 'Lehrbuch gegen die Angst voreinander', Braunschweiger Zeitung, 31.01.2008.
133 Hinz (2008), see note 105 above, p. 58.
crucial for the understanding of Polish-German relations and divergences. The book is planned to be published in 2011 or 2012 and shall be used by secondary school students. While this includes all students in Poland, in Germany only grammar schools but not lower tracks of secondary schooling (i.e., 'Realschule' and 'Hauptschule') may use the book.
It is expected that the books will have an important symbolic meaning. German historian Strobel, who is one of the authors of the first draff, is certain that both Polish and German historians have similar views concerning the facts, even if some issues such as the expulsions (or population transfers) and Polish anti-Semitism are highly sensitive.134 Moreover, different relevance is attached to certain issues in both countries. For example, the Polish resistance movement and the 1944 Warsaw uprising against the German occupation are of highest importance to Poles, whereas they are not very much known among Germans who often mistake the uprising for the uprising in War-saws Jewish ghetto in 1943. However, Strobel finds that the real question is not so much about historical clarity but how the books will be received in political circles and in the public arena.135
(d) The Silesian-Saxonian precedent
Polish reactions to a textbook pilot project initiated by the Polish 'Wojwodina' Lower Silesia and the German state Saxony indicate many sensitivities and fears. In a period of only two years, German and Polish historians developed a joint history book covering the period from 1933 to 1945.136
The pioneer book with 270 pages was published in 2007 and includes both authors' texts as well as relevant reprints of primary sources. These sources include eyewitness accounts, statements of relevant protagonists as well as official documents that provide insight in the work and thinking of the acting administrations. The book's first edition of 1000 volumes is currently tested in selected schools in Silesia and Saxony. It is intended as a supplement to existing history teaching materials.
The book received much criticism in conservative Polish circles.137 It was argued that the selected time period was too narrow and random - the book should not have ended in 1945 but with the inclusion of the German Democratic Republic in the Warsaw Pact in 1954. It was also observed that the German resistance movement was described in considerable detail, whereas the Polish resistance movement is only mentioned in passing and the Polish parallel 'underground' state with its schools and universities is not mentioned at all. Further criticism was raised that the terminology with respect to the migratory movements after the Second World War was inconsistent, using the terms population transfer, expulsion, flight, deportation and repatriation in a random
134 Cited in: Jasper (2008), see note 133 above
135 Ibid.
136 Hartmann, K. (ed) (2007), Geschichte verstehen - Zukunft gestalten. Die deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen in den Jahren 1933-1945, Neisse, Dresden / Wroclaw.
137 An overview of the arguments is provided by: Fliickiger, P. (2008), 'Das erste deutsch-polni-sche Geschichtsbuch', Die Welt, 19.03.2008.
manner. Moreover, it was noted that the book records too high numbers of victims at the Katyn massacre (i.e. listing 30,000 instead of 15,000 murdered Polish officers by the Soviets). Right wing politicians even argued that the book falsified history and members of the Polish Institute for National Memory found that the German taxpayer had found Polish historians to engage in 'notable silence' on relevant issues and to perpetuate stereotypes of Poles.138
The book's Polish co-authors Malgorzata and Krzysztof Ruchniewicz replied to the negative reception in Polish conservative circles that such statements showed an exaggerated reaction to recent discussions in Germany on German victimhood in relating to the Allied bombings and to expulsions, as well as to the establishment of the mentioned Centre against Expulsions.139 The authors found the criticism towards the book unfair, since a few factual inaccuracies were easily corrected in its second edition. They observed that most of the criticism did not relate to the book's content but reflected a one-sided and overly simplified interpretation of history that ignored pertinent issues to be faced in Polish and German history education. Some of the disapproval could also be explained by the fact that the primarily German discourse on German suffering in the Allied bombings and in the course of the expulsions related to the fate of individuals and families. Their, often innocent, suffering would tend to block the view on the wider more complex historical context. In terms of factual representation, the co-authors explained that the book's main focus laid on the contentious topic of forced migration. A chapter on the German resistance movement had been included mainly to foster Polish-German youth dialogue at the International Dialogue Centre in Krzyzowa / Kreisau, the location of one prominent German resistance movement ('Kreisauer Kreis').140 That in comparison the Polish resistance movement and the Warsaw uprising was considered in lesser detail in comparison was due to the authors' policy to stick to the main theme. However, Ruchniewicz deplored to have made a mistake in underestimating Polish (over-) sensitivities concerning the acknowledgement of Polish resistance and the uprising.
In spite of the heavy criticism in nationalistic circles, the book also received much positive feedback in Poland. For example, the Vice-President of the Polish History Society Kozlowksa emphasized its didactic value and the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs Sikorski found that the book serves as a good basis for the joint Polish-German history textbook.141 It is to be hoped that the softening in Polish-German relations continues not only in the education sector.
138 Ibid., see also the book review in Dialog, 83, p. 64.
139 Ruchniewicz, M. and R. (2008), 'Lehrmaterialien und Empfindlichkeiten, Dialog, 83, p. 64.
140 Ibid, p. 66.
141 Flückiger (2008), see note 138 above.
3. Final Remarks
Franco-German and Polish-German textbook revision and the development of joint history books belong to Germany's post-war efforts to reconcile with its Western and Eastern neighbour. In particular the Franco-German case demonstrates that much progress can be made in adjusting national narratives taught in history books to make them compatible with the neighbouring country's understanding of the common history. The case shows that former enemies can successfully work towards reducing prejudices against the other and that common grounds can be found despite century old antagonisms. Efforts to reform post-war education systems constitute a sustainable investment in peace, as schools are among the primary social institutions that transmit national narratives about the past and form a nations identity and its relation to other nations. The revision of history textbooks is inextricably linked to larger political debates about which narratives in history are true. Secondary-school history books rarely play a pioneering role in tackling highly sensitive issues or changing narratives that are not widely accepted in society 142 They can thus be understood as a seismograph that indicates not only the current shape of national identity but also the state of a given reconciliation process.
The joint Franco-German history book Histoire/Geschichte can be seen as a great success in bringing the two nations together. Yet, it is difficult to assess in how far the book is really used in classrooms, since schools freely determine which teaching materials they use. However, according to publishers' information, the first volume of the book has been sold in schools and in bookstores with about 45,000 copies in each language. For Germany, this means that the book could be used at maximum by 6 % of the primary target group, i.e. the 750,000 grammar school students.143 It has often been observed that there is a general lack of research on the impact of textbook revision and peace education programmes.144 FFor the Franco-German reconciliation relationship, the Georg Eckert Institute recently warned that, while negative prejudices had generally turned into a positive bias, there was still an alarming lack of knowledge among students about the neighbouring country.145 Despite the long tradition of bi-national consultations on the state level, the Institute observed that there were diverging interests between France and Germany in many important political issues, a finding that was explained with different cultural traditions.
142 Compare: Cole, E. and Barsalou, ƒ. (2006), 'Unite or Divide? The Challenges of Teaching History in Societies Emerging from Violent Conflict', United States Institute of Peace, Special Report, 163, p. 9.
143 Hinz (2008), see note 105 above, p. 59.
144 Cole and Barsalou (2006), see note 56 above, pp. 13-14; Misco, T. (2009), 'Attending to Gaps in Historical Memory: Promises and Challenges for Curriculum Implementation in Post-communist Settings', paper submitted at the Eleventh Berlin Roundtables on Trans-nationality on the topic of 'Memory Politics : Education, Memorials and Mass Media, Irmgard Coninx Foundation, Berlin, 24.10.2009, p. 6. For a sound analysis of the effects of peace education programmes in intractable conflicts, see: Salomon, G. (2006), 'Does Peace Education Really Make a Difference?', Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, 12, pp. 37-48.
145 Information provided on the Institute's webpage at: http://www.gei.de/wissenschaft/ fruehere-projekte/bilaterale-schulbuchkommissionen-und-projekte/deutsch-franzoesische-schulbuchkommission.html
Reconciliation is a long, painful and often non-linear process. The Polish-German case demonstrates that reconciling national narratives after a traumatic and violent history requires coping with national sensitivities that can easily cause a backlash in the interstate relations. The negative reactions from Polish conservative critics to the Silesian-Saxonian precedent for a joint Polish-German textbook also indicate that reconciliation processes are multi-level socio-political processes. Whereas Polish and German historians and education experts nowadays do not seem to have much disagreement concerning the facts and display a willingness to compromise on the terminology and representation of certain historical issues important to each nations self-understanding, this seems to be missing in important political circles and in parts of the general public.
The Polish-German case also shows that reconciliation processes and corresponding public discourses are often at very different stages in the countries involved. For example, the Polish reaction to German discussions on its own suffering in the Allied bombings and in the course of the expulsions (or population transfers) expresses serious fear of a German revisionism that would turn former perpetrators into victims. That the German discussion was preceded by over two decades of intensive public debate about German responsibility for the Holocaust and the Second World War and that it mainly centres around individual fates aimed at healing traumas rather than at altering the wider collective narrative, is less perceived in Poland. This might be due to the fact that discourses about the recent past were to a large extent suppressed during Soviet-dominated socialist times with the result that frozen memories of destruction, humiliation and loss resurged after 1989 without much regard to the state of the discussion in Germany and the West. It appears that significant parts of Polish society are still too involved with Poland's painful history and present post-socialist transformation to be able to develop a differentiated view or even empathy for German suffering in and following the Second World War.
That Polish-German textbook revision made less progress then its Franco-German counterpart can also be explained by the fact that the most problematic aspects in the Franco-German relationship lie further back than in the Polish-German relationship. It makes a difference that the primary French national traumas in relation to Germany exist in connection with the 1870-71 War of German Unification and the First World War, whereas Poland is arguably the country that suffered most in the Second World War. Furthermore, unlike France, Polish history is characterized by severe and long-endured violations of national sovereignty and integrity symbolized by the divisions of Poland, its eradication from the map for nearly a century and also its territorial shift to the West after the Second World War.
Moreover, post-war France and Germany were tight together in the European communities and Union and acted as the 'motor' for European integration. The two countries had thus much more time to develop a joint vision for their coexistence within Europe than this was the case with Poland and Germany. However, it is probable that European ideals and identities will also help to improve Polish-German relations and help to adjust both countries' narratives and integrate them into a larger European
frame. Further, it is to be hoped that the countries find common grounds by recognizing 'Mitteleuropa' as a common casualty that should be deplored by both. Such process would also require that Germans increase their interest in their Eastern neighbour and become more aware of their shared and intertwined history for centuries.146
This article delineated the joint revision and development of history textbooks in neighbouring countries with strong historical antagonisms and a painful history. In particular the Franco-German case and to some extent also the Polish-German case are positive precedents of how former enemies can turn into partners, at least in each others' history books. The outlined reconciliation efforts may give hope to other post-conflict scenarios that their present-day emergency education programmes may eventually contribute to peace and reconciliation.147
146 Hinz pointed at the assymetric interest among young Poles and young Germans in their counterparts: For example, in 2007, about 20,000 German pupils participated in Polish-German exchange programmes and only 1,000 school partnerships were concluded between German and Polish schools - nearly all at Polish initiative, whereas between 70,000 and 80,000 German students participated in Franco-German exchange programmes with 3,000 school partnerships concluded. Similarly, whereas 2,200 German municipalities concluded partnerships with French counterparts, there were only 300 with Polish municipalities. Hinz (2008), see note 105 above, p. 57.
147 For an overview of present-day education programmes in post-conflict peacebuilding, see: Sinclair, M. (2002), Planning Education In and After Emergencies, UNESCO, Paris. |